Add an announcement to your site.

Anthro Log

Tag: history

  • Historical Amnesia: What Happens When Nations Forget?

    One of the most unsettling trends I’ve noticed in modern politics is the deliberate forgetting of history, a kind of national amnesia. Whether it’s erasing colonial atrocities, downplaying slavery, or recasting fascism in nostalgic terms, many societies are rewriting their pasts to serve present political needs.

    Historian Tony Judt once said, “When the truth is replaced by silence, the silence is a lie.” That resonates with me deeply. In countries like the U.S., debates about history (Critical Race Theory, Confederate statues, textbook content) aren’t really about the past. They’re about who gets to define national identity.

    Germany, for instance, took a very different route. After World War II, the country invested heavily in what it calls Vergangenheitsbewältigung -literally, “working through the past.” Holocaust education is mandatory; Nazi symbols are banned; memorials are prominent. While not perfect, this model reflects a willingness to confront and learn from historical evil.

    Contrast that with Japan’s handling of its World War II legacy. There’s still political controversy over apologies to Korea and China, and many textbooks gloss over wartime atrocities like the Nanjing Massacre. The result? Lingering tensions and unresolved trauma.

    Historical memory is not just academic, it’s moral infrastructure. When nations forget, they often repeat. When they remember selectively, they often marginalize.

    The philosopher George Santayana’s famous line –Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”—rings true. But I’d argue there’s more: how we remember is just as important as whether we do. Selective memory breeds nationalism; honest memory builds humility.

    I think confronting uncomfortable truths isn’t unpatriotic, it’s mature citizenship. And in our current moment of culture wars and revisionism, fighting for accurate historical memory may be one of the most vital tasks we face.

  • Takeaways From “Family matters: Primary gender socialization and gender-based violence in paid domestic work in Bolivia and Peru” by Nora Goffre

    Nora Goffre’s ethnographic study, grounded in fieldwork across Bolivia and Peru, reveals that paid domestic labor is deeply shaped by early gendered socialization, presenting a “regime of gendered and racialized appropriated labor”(source). She argues that domestic workers—mostly rural migrant women, often Indigenous or Afro‑Latin American—enter a cycle where exploitation in their birth families resonates within employers’ households and persists into their conjugal relationships 

    Contrary to the common perception of the family as a protective space, Goffre highlights how it can perpetuate violence. The sexual division of labor and normalized gendered roles within households lay the foundation for ongoing emotional, physical, and sexual exploitation. When these workers transition into paid domestic roles, the same norms become inscribed into work relationships, making violence and dependency systemic.

    Goffre positions paid domestic work as a blurred form of “appropriated labor”—where private, informal care becomes formally unpaid or underpaid labor, rooted in structural inequalities of class, race, and patriarchal norms. The prevalence of rural, ethnically marginalized women in this sector is a clear outcome of colonial histories and entrenched poverty.

    What stands out most to me in this study is Goffre’s intersectional framing: violence against domestic workers isn’t just gendered—it’s racialized and classed. Goffre critiques the failure of broader scholarly work to integrate these intersecting axes of oppression when analyzing household labor dynamics.

    Some More Key Takeaways:

    • Violence is normalized early: Gendered socialization in origin families lays the emotional groundwork for accepting abusive power dynamics.
    • Paid work reflects private oppression: Domestic employment often replicates familial exploitation patterns.
    • Labor is appropriated, not compensated: The merging of emotional care and wage labor functions as structural extraction.
    • Intersectionality is essential: Only by considering gender, race, and class together can we grasp the full depth of workers’ vulnerabilities.

    Goffre’s study serves as a powerful reminder that interventions aimed at protecting domestic workers must go beyond workplace regulations in order to enact real change. They must address the familial and societal norms that sanction harm, starting from childhood socialization through adulthood. Only then can the root cause of the harms done to the households and daily lives of some of Latin America’s most vulnerable laborers be addressed. For more information check out the full ethnographic study.

  • Takeaways from “Emprendedores and Luchadores: Cuban Entrepreneurship, Socialist State Retrenchment, and the Normalization of Racialized Exclusion” by Hope Bastian

    I recently read anthropologist Hope Bastian’s article Emprendedores and Luchadores: Cuban Entrepreneurship, Socialist State Retrenchment, and the Normalization of Racialized Exclusion, and found it super interesting. Here’s a summary and some of my biggest takeaways:

    First of all, in her article, Bastian explores the nuanced transformation of Cuban entrepreneurship from a frowned‑upon “necessary evil” in the 1990s to an officially embraced engine of economic development by the 2000s. But as Bastian compellingly argues, this shift isn’t enough to dismantle enduring inequalities, particularly when it comes to racialized exclusion.

    Batisan further explains that the early reforms that legalized self-employment in Cuba were pragmatic responses to economic collapse, but they came with heavy moral baggage. Independent workers were stigmatized as betraying revolutionary values and succumbing to capitalist individualism. It wasn’t until about a decade later that the state began celebrating these “emprendedores” as vital contributors to the national economy, yet the rhetoric of inclusion masked deeper tensions.

    What struck me most is Bastian’s observation that only certain entrepreneurial actors were welcomed. Racial and class bias continued to shape who could succeed. She highlights how the promise of entrepreneurship remained largely out of reach for Afro-Cuban and lower‑income entrepreneurs. 

    My biggest Takeaways: 

    • Policy vs. Practice: Legalization alone does not guarantee equity. Racial and socioeconomic hierarchies persisted despite reform.
    • Moral Framing Matters: Public discourse is powerful; labeling some entrepreneurs as morally suspect enabled selective inclusion.
    • Incomplete Success: Celebrated entrepreneurship may actually reinforce systemic inequality unless paired with conscious efforts toward inclusion.

    Ultimately, Bastian’s work serves as a timely reminder that economic transformations, even when portrayed as progressive, can perpetuate injustice without intentional measures to ensure equity. This case study invites broader reflection on reform efforts worldwide: in emerging markets and post‑socialist societies alike, we must ask, “Who is really included, and who remains sidelined?”. For more information and the full study, I encourage you to check out this link.

  • The Ajami Manuscripts & Their Importance

    Recently, I’ve read up on some of Anthropologist Dr. Fallou Ngom’s work, particularly his book, Muslims Beyond the Arab World: The Odyssey of Ajami and the Muridiyya. His book details the use of Ajami writing and documentation of various African communities alongside the rise of the Muridiyya Sufi order in Senegal. 

    But what exactly are the Ajami Manuscripts and why do they matter? Well, these handwritten texts, often overlooked in mainstream accounts of African literacy, are a testament to how African societies adapted global influences—specifically Arabic script—to preserve their own languages, knowledge systems, and cultural practices.

    Ajami (from the Arabic word ‘ajam, meaning “foreign” or “non-Arab”) refers to the use of the Arabic script to write African languages like Hausa, Wolof, Fulfulde, Mandinka, and others. This writing system dates back to at least the 11th century, emerging alongside the spread of Islam across the Sahel and West Africa. What fascinates me is how local scholars and scribes used Ajami not just to translate religious texts, but also to write poetry, record histories, draft legal documents, and share medical and astronomical knowledge.

    In places like Kano (in northern Nigeria) and Timbuktu (in Mali), Ajami became a scholarly tool that blended Islamic teachings with indigenous knowledge. Hausa Ajami, for example, includes entire literary traditions—from epic poems praising local rulers to instructional texts on herbal medicine. This counters the myth that African societies lacked written records before colonialism. In truth, literacy in Ajami was widespread among Muslim communities well before the introduction of Western-style education.

    What strikes me most is how Ajami manuscripts served as a cultural bridge. They preserved oral traditions in written form while embedding them within an Islamic literary framework. In my view, this challenges the colonial assumption that only Roman script counts as “real” literacy. 

    Today, scholars and archivists are racing to digitize and preserve these fragile documents. Projects like the Ajami Research Project at Boston University, headed by Dr. Ngom, are helping to catalog and translate these texts for future generations.

    Perhaps what’s most important about these manuscripts is that they are more than relics; they’re living records of African agency, identity, and adaptation in the global Islamic world.

  • Who Are the Hausa People of West Africa?

    Recently, I’ve spent the past couple of days drafting my personal statement for college applications. And with that process comes much self-reflection and identity building. Because of this, I’ve found myself being much more intrigued by my native culture, especially the more nitty gritty aspects that I wouldn’t know about despite living as a Hausa person. This post, therefore, aims to educate people on some aspects of the Hausa people. 

    With a population estimated at over 80 million, the Hausa are one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa, spread primarily across northern Nigeria and southern Niger, but also found in Ghana, Cameroon, and Sudan due to centuries of migration and trade.

    The Hausa have a long-standing reputation as skilled traders. Historically, they were central to the trans-Saharan trade routes, exchanging goods such as leather, textiles, kola nuts, and later, gold and slaves with North African merchants. Cities like Kano, Katsina, and Zaria became major urban centers, serving as hubs for commerce, Islamic scholarship, and artisan industries (Falola & Heaton, 2008).

    Islam plays a major role in Hausa culture. Introduced as early as the 11th century, Islam became firmly entrenched in Hausa society by the 15th century, influencing everything from architecture and education to clothing and gender roles. Islamic schooling (makaranta) has long coexisted with traditional Qur’anic education, shaping not just religious beliefs but also the Hausa language itself, which uses an Arabic script called Ajami alongside the Latin alphabet.

    Yet, what I find most interesting as a Hausa woman is how the Hausa maintain a strong cultural identity while adapting to modern change. Traditional customs like kulle (purdah)—the seclusion of women—persist in conservative communities, especially among the upper classes, though many Hausa women today, like the women in my family, participate actively in business, politics, and education. This blend of conservatism and adaptability offers a rich area of study on how global and local forces interact.

    Music, too, reflects this duality. Traditional praise singers (griots) still perform at festivals and ceremonies, but Hausa pop artists are blending traditional instruments with hip-hop and Afrobeats. Artists like Ali Jita and Barmani Choge are helping keep the language and culture alive in modern forms.

    Studying my own culture and pulling knowledge from my personal experiences reminds me that cultures are not static. They are dynamic, deeply rooted in history, yet responsive to the forces of globalization.

    For more information check out: Hausa people | EBSCO Research Starters

  • New Information About Matrilineal Neolithic Chinese Community

    Earlier this month, Nature published an fascinating study focused on the Fujia archaeological site in eastern China (around 2750–2500 BCE). By analyzing ancient DNA, burial patterns, and isotope data from sixty individuals across two cemeteries, researchers have illuminated a striking example of a matrilineal community in Neolithic times. 

    What was most interesting for me about the study was how the cemeteries functioned almost like clan identifiers. Each cemetery was essentially dominated by one of two maternal mitochondrial haplogroups. That means individuals sharing the same maternal lines were buried together (a clear hallmark of matrilineal clan organization). 

    Additionally, mitochondrial DNA revealed striking homogeneity within each cemetery, reinforcing that burial was determined by maternal lineage. Moreover, analysis of runs of homozygosity (ROH) showed high rates of endogamy, signaling that most marriages occurred within the community. Interestingly, however, these were not close‑kin unions. This suggests careful clan-based mate selection, preserving genetic variety while reinforcing social bonds (see bioengineer.org for more info).

    But why is this discovery so revolutionary? I mean- haven’t we uncovered many matrilineal societies previously? Well, This matrilineal structure at Fujia challenges long-held assumptions that prehistoric societies were predominantly patriarchal, making it a pretty important discovery in the field. Historically, figures like Bachofen and Morgan theorized that early societies were matrilineal before evolving into patriarchies, but until now, genetic substantiation as concrete proof has been missing. This discovery, however, is now a rare, well-documented case of long-lasting matrilineality, where lineage and burial were firmly defined by maternal descent.

    In other words, This study now allows us to reframe our previous understanding of prehistoric social complexity. Matrilineal systems weren’t merely theoretical, but genuinely deeply rooted in lived human experience. The Fujia findings highlight how kinship, identity, and social organization in early agricultural societies were far more varied and regionally specific than previously thought.

    Perhaps the most exciting aspect of technological advancement in the biological anthropology field is the new ways we can re‑ examine kinship systems in prehistoric societies worldwide. By combining genetics with archeological insight, we’re beginning to decode the rich diversity of early human social structures.

    Though I’m personally more interested in the cultural side of anthropology, it’s so fascinating seeing how biology can truly cement theories and discoveries in the field as facts.

  • Reawakening Slave Narratives: The Lost John S. Jacobs Autobiography

    Literary scholar Jonathan D. S. Schroeder made a discovery of a lifetime earlier this year when he unintentionally found a lost slave narrative while searching in an online newspaper database.

    The narrative written nearly 170 years ago is an autobiography by John Swanson Jacobs, the brother to famous ex-slave and abolitionist Harriet Jacobs. Harrient Jacobs also authored the 1861 autobiography “Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl”.

    The narrative boldy titled “The United States Governed by Six Hundred Thousand Despots” was originally published anonymously in two installments in Sydney, Australia. The book has now been edited and republished by Schroeder.

    The aspect of this discovery and narrative that I found most compelling was the rawness of it all. Most slave narratives were heavy handedly edited by white abolitionists and thus heavily censored. For the almost 20,000 word text to remain largely unchanged is remarkable.

    Jacobs’ harsh criticism of American liberty and democracy give such an important and real insight to the lives, thoughts, and feelings of the enslaved. Among these criticisms was a striking quote where he refers to the Constitution as a “devil in sheepskin”.

    Constitution allowed for and protected an atrocity such as slavery for centuries, while ironically preaching ideas of freedom and equality and condeming the opressive government they revolted against; a true devil in sheepskin indeed.

    Jacobs’ narrative and story is also unique in the fact that he spends much of his life outside of the United States. Much of his critisisms stem from his ability to compare his treatment in America to a much better lived experience as a black man in other countries. His experience perpetutes an often uncomfortable fact for many Americans: our land of equality and freedom doesnt even extend to the very people who built it, and other countries simply do the “American” ideas of liberty much better.

    His time travelling the world also forces us to check ourselves on the single slave narrative we often think of. Jacobs’ life is a direct challenge on our limited understanding of our history. His story resurfacing now broadens our perspective and re-writes the history of slave narratives forever.

    This incredible discovery makes me wonder what other narratives have been lost out there, but may still have a chance of being rediscovered.

    I actually had the incredible honor of meeting Mr. Schroeder himself when he came and gave a talk at my high school in early November, and hear his first had account of his experience. If you are interested in reading more about the actual process of his discovery I’d highly recommend reading the New York Times article on the subject.

  • “Qualification” In the Candidates of the 2024 Presidential Election

    A common topic I saw among Americans this election was the candidates qualification. Sadly yet unsurprisingly there were many men who claimed Kamala Harris was “unqualified” for the job of president and that she was “useless” during her term as Vice President. But if were being serious, when has a vice president ever really done anything of note? Why not look at some of her qualifivations rather than making up a lack thereof. Something many people may not know, or rather choose to ignore, is that Kamala has worked for years in all three branches on government. She was a prosecutor for three decades, then became the first woman ever to be Attorney General of California, then became a senator, and is now finishing her tern as Vice President of the United States.

    Former President Trump, on the other hand, was the only U.S president to ever have no political or military service prior to presidency. He was also one of three Presidents to ever be impeached (twice I might add), and earlier this year was the only president to every be convicetd of a felony (34 counts). Yet Kamala is the unqualified one?

    So why is it that people sp often call Kamala unfit or unqualfied to be president but the same isnt really said about Trump? Simply put, the answer is misogny. Its an increbily common social phenonon to belittle womens achivements in order to uphold male superiority. Women are even socialized to belittle their own achivements, for if they so they’re deemed too prideful or egotisical.

    A saying I think about frequently is something along the lines of “women have to work twice as hard for half as much,” which so closely applies here. Kamala Harris was twice as qualified yet still lost by such a big margin. Its disheartening that for the majority of Americans the choice between a convicted felon and rapist and a woman is a difficult one.